Monday, 30 May 2011

The New Zealand Order of Merit - 15th Anniversary of Institution by Royal Warrant

HM The Queen of New Zealand wearing the
grand cross riband, badge and star of the NZ Order
of Merit, the Sovereign's badge of the Order of New
Zealand and the badge of the Queen's Service Order

Today, 30 May 2011, marks the 15th anniversary of the institution, by Royal Warrant, of The New Zealand Order of Merit in 1996.[1] The Order ranks second to the Order of New Zealand and is awarded to those “who in any field of endeavour, have rendered meritorious service to the Crown and nation or who have become distinguished by their eminence, talents, contributions or other merits”. The motto of the Order is FOR MERIT and, in Maori, TOHU HIRANGA (“To Achieve Excellence”). Citizens of those countries of which The Queen is sovereign are eligible for ordinary membership. The constitution of the Order allows for the appointment of “additional” members on significant royal, national or state occasions.  Foreign citizens and citizens of Commonwealth countries of which The Queen is not sovereign may be appointed as “honorary” members. Honorary and additional appointments are extra-numerary. The New Zealand Order of Merit has its own herald, in the person of Mr. Philip O’Shea, New Zealand Herald Extraordinary.

Of the Order’s original five classes the two highest (knight/dame grand companion and knight/dame companion) conferred a knighthood or damehood. On 10 April 2000 it was announced that following the earlier recommendations of the Prime Minister’s Honours Advisory Committee (1995) The Queen had approved the discontinuance of the two titular classes and their replacement with two new designations: principal companion and distinguished companion. These changes were instituted by a Royal Warrant dated 18 May 2000. The first appointments to the re-designated levels were made in The Queen’s Birthday Honours issued on 5 June 2000. The five classes became: principal companion, distinguished companion, companion, officer and member.[2]

Those who were previously invested as knights or dames of the New Zealand Order of Merit were permitted to continue to bear the honorific; the wife of a knight, provided she used her husband’s surname, could continue to bear the courtesy title of ‘lady’ before the surname.

In March 2009 it was announced that, upon the approval of HM The Queen, the titles of knight and dame grand companion and knight and dame companion were to be reinstated. There had been considerable belief that the removal of knighthoods had diminished the value of the two highest classes of the New Zealand Order of Merit. A visible titular honour was regarded as the most appropriate means of celebrating success at the highest levels of national life.  The first appointments to the reinstated levels were made in The Queen’s 2009 Birthday Honours List. The 85 New Zealanders who were appointed principal companions and distinguished companions between 2000 and 2008 were afforded an opportunity to be re-designated to the appropriate level of knight/dame grand companion or knight/dame companion. 72 of those eligible opted to convert to the appropriate titular honour, a clear indication of the popularity of knighthoods.

No more than thirty persons may belong to the class of knight/dame grand companion at any one time. According to the statutes of the Order, no more than fifteen knight/dame companions, forty companions, eighty officers and one hundred and forty members may be appointed per annum.

Additional members may be admitted to the Order in commemoration of any important royal, state, or national occasion, or to recognise military services rendered in war-like and peacekeeping operations. Additional members are extra-numerary.

Famous past recipients include the golfer Sir Bob Charles, the rugby player Sir Wilson Whineray and the author Mrs Linley Dodd.
  
Insignia:

The collar of the Order is composed of links of the badge’s obverse roundel and gold koru (in the form of the letter “S”). The badge of the Order hangs from a representation of the New Zealand coat of arms positioned in the centre of the collar.

The badge of the Order is in the form of a cross in white enamel set in silver-gilt with a central roundel comprising the coat of arms of New Zealand in coloured enamel, encircled by a green band bearing the motto of the Order and surmounted by a royal crown.

The breast star of the Order is an eight-pointed gold or silver star with each arm bearing in relief a representation of a fern frond; superimposed in the centre is a smaller representation of the badge of the Order.

The badge of the Secretary and Registrar is the same as that worn by a companion of the Order and is surmounted by crossed quills in gold. The badge of the Herald is the same as that worn by a companion of the Order and is surmounted by crossed batons in gold.

The badges of a principal companion and knight/dame grand companion measure 60 mm in diameter and are suspended from a 100 mm wide riband worn over the right shoulder and resting on the left hip; the accompanying gold breast star measures 78 mm in diameter. The badges of a distinguished companion, knight/dame companion and companion measure 60 mm in diameter and are suspended from a 38 mm neck ribbon (men) or from a bow worn on the left shoulder (women); the accompanying silver breast star measures 78 mm in diameter. The badges of an officer and member measure 48 mm in diameter and are suspended from a 38 mm wide ribbon.

The ribbon of the Order is red ochre (kōkōwai).



[1] Curiously, although it bears the words “Order of Merit” in its name, the New Zealand Order of Merit is termed an “Order of Chivalry” in its royal warrant.
[2] Between 2000 and 2009, to apply the Order's warrant literally, the New Zealand Order of Merit had become a very rare thing: an order of chivalry to which no knights or dames could be appointed. I had been informed, however, that upon the death of the Order's last living knight or dame the Order's statutes were to be amended so as to transform the Order from an order of chivalry to an order of merit.

Sunday, 29 May 2011

Royal Oak Day - The Restoration of Rightful Monarchy under King Charles II, 1660

Ward's Book of Days:
MAY 29th

"On this day in history in 1660, Charles II was restored to the throne.

This day is known as Restoration Day, Royal Oak Day or Oak Apple Day and commemorates the day when Cromwell’s Commonwealth was abolished and the monarchy restored. 

Charles was in exile in France and returned to London, arriving on his thirtieth birthday, 29th May 1660, accompanied by tumultuous rejoicing. The day was declared a public holiday in perpetuity, it lasted until 1859, and became known as Oak Apple Day, a reference to the aftermath of the Battle of Worcester when Charles escaped capture by hiding in an oak tree. 

Pepys recorded in his diary: “Parliament had ordered the 29th May, the King’s birthday, to be for ever kept as a day of thanksgiving for our redemption from tyranny and the King’s return to his Government, he entering London that day.”  

Charles had a long and popular reign and became known as the Merry Monarch, in complete contrast to the previous regime. Theatres were opened, dancing and public entertainment were permitted once again and feasting and drinking became a way of life."



"Resolved, That a Bill be prepared for keeping of a perpetual Anniversary, for a Day of Thanksgiving to God, for the great Blessing and Mercy he hath been graciously pleased to vouchsafe to the People of these Kingdoms, after their manifold and grievous Sufferings, in the Restoration of his Majesty, with Safety, to his People and Kingdoms: And that the Nine-and-twentieth Day of May, in every Year, being the Birth Day of his Sacred Majesty, and the Day of his Majesty's Return to his Parliament, be yearly set apart for that Purpose..." , Journal of the House of Commons: volume 8: 1660-1667 (1802), pp. 49-50.

Amongst the traditional celebrations that take place across the country is the Founder's Day Parade at the Royal Hospital Chelsea, which was founded by King Charles II. The Chelsea Pensioners are usually reviewed by a member of the Royal Family. During the course of this celebratory day the statue of Charles II in Figure Court is partly shrouded in oak leaves, and all participants in the Parade and spectators wear sprigs of oak leaves to commemorate the King's escape from forces after the Battle of Worcester in 1651. The statue was re-gilded in 2002 to commemorate the Golden Jubilee of Queen Elizabeth II.

Sunday, 1 May 2011

Professor David Flint eloquently announces the resurgence of Australia's monarchist spirit

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Big show a blow to republic hopes

  • Sunday Herald Sun 

  • April 30, 2011 11:30pm


  • THE Royal Wedding was one of the most watched TV events in Australian history - a big blow for republicans.
    More than seven million Australians tuned in to see Prince William marry Kate Middleton to eclipse sporting events and become one of the most popular spectacles of the past 10 years.
    The success of the event has sparked proud monarchists to jubilantly proclaim Australia will not seriously consider becoming a republic for another 100 years.
    Royalist David Flint said Australians had "voted overwhelmingly with their remote controls" and destroyed any meaningful call for Australia to become a republic.
    "This really is quite a magnificent result," Prof Flint said.
    "Australians, in their millions, have confirmed their great interest in keeping a constitutional monarchy."Prime Minister Julia Gillard has previously said the Queen should be Australia's final monarch.
    But Prof Flint said he saw no hope for republicanism.
    "When the Queen dies there will be a coronation that will receive as much interest, if not more, than this royal wedding," he said.
    "Then there will be the interest in William and Kate's future children, Prince Harry marrying and his children, Prince William becoming king.
    "I can't see republicanism being a serious political force in this country for at least 100 years when you add the generations together."
    But Simon Bateman, of the Victoria branch of the Australian Republic Movement, said he was not surprised so many people watched the wedding.
    "The royal wedding has received astronomical media coverage so it does not surprise me that so many people watched it," Mr Bateman said. "I watched it and enjoyed it. It was a great event.
    "But a republic is not anti-royal or anti-British - it's simply recognising Australia is not Britain bit its own country. Australians value the royal institution but I think the vast majority of people would rather a head of state based on merit, not genetics."
    Globally, more than two billion people watched the ceremony, with 400 million more watching on the web.
    Channel 7 won the ratings battle, followed by Nine with the ABC taking third spot.
    Nine was awarded clanger of the evening, after its commentary team accidentally placed Dodi al-Fayed, the late former lover of Princess Diana, at the wedding. It was, in fact, the King of Tonga.
    Social analyst David Chalke said the royal wedding had four key ingredients that drew Australians in: culture, ceremony, celebration and celebrity.
    "There were five people to three in favour of Australia keeping the monarchy before the wedding and I estimate that will now rise to two people to one in favour," Mr Chalke said.
    "The world is a lot less certain, a lot less friendly than it was and I think Australians are locking into their culture and want to keep strong ties."

    Monday, 25 April 2011

    My appearance on Poland's TVN network in Warsaw to discuss Royal Wedding

    My interview on Good Moring TVN in Warsaw on Saturday, 23rd April 2011 with veteran BBC royal correspondent, Jennie Bond. Discussions revolved around the importance of royal weddings and other royal ceremonies and why this wedding has come at just the right time for Britain.

    Sunday, 17 April 2011

    Fox News Debate on the cost of the Royal Wedding



    I appeared on America's Fox News last night to debate Graham Smith, of the pressure group "Republic", to discuss the cost of the Royal Wedding. The programme is The Mike Huckabee Show, and it airs again tonight on Fox News at 8pm ET.  Mike Huckabee is the Governor of Arkansas and a potential future Republican Presidential candidate to face President Obama at the next US election.

    Thursday, 14 April 2011

    Watch my CTV broadcast on the Succession to the Throne

    Here is the clip to my CTV News broadcast of earlier today dealing with the Prince of Wales and the law of succession. 

    Saturday, 9 April 2011

    The Royal Wedding River Thames Garden Party - Thursday 28 April




    Rafal Heydel-Mankoo
    HoteL Rafayel on the River THames
    Proudly Present

    The Royal Wedding River Thames pre-Party
    “London’s unofficial start to the Royal Weekend”
    Thursday, 28th April 2011
    7:30pm – 1:00am
    @
    Hotel Rafayel on the River Thames
    Falcon Wharf, Lombard Rd, London, SW11 3RF

    7:30pm – 10:00pm: Royal Riverside Garden Party 
    10:00pm – 1:00am: Royal Lounge DJ and Dancing


    London’s biggest pre-Royal Wedding party,organised by royal commentator and pundit Rafal Heydel-Mankoo, will be on the banks of the River Thames as ultra-modern Hotel Rafayel presents an evening of Regal Splendour and Patriotic Pride in celebration of the wedding of HRH Prince William of Wales to Miss Catherine Middleton.

    The evening starts at 7:30pm on the hotel’s beautiful riverside garden terrace with majestic views of the Thames:

    ·        On arrival enjoy a complimentary “Kate Royale”, our specially designed cocktail
    ·        Feast on complimentary Great British hors d’ouevres, which will be served all evening
    ·        Tap your toes to the "Best of British" -- traditional live music fitting for a royal occasion
    ·        Enjoy the Royal entertainment & fun (including a "Beefeater" amongst others)
    ·        There may even be a surprise “royal” guest to cut the wedding cake…

    At 10:00pm we leave the Garden Party and move into the Royal Lounge to party the night away to a selection of hits that may well be played for the Royal Couple on their wedding night!
    Aside from an invitation to the Royal Wedding itself, this is sure to be London’s hottest royal wedding celebration. 

     Tickets: £29.95 per person.

     Tickets: www.hotelrafayel.com/royal  










    Thursday, 10 March 2011

    An important speech in defence of monarchy

    Essential reading for all monarchists!!!

    Canadian politicans are not necessarily known for their erudition in matters royal and monarchical. Senator Macdonald is therefore to be congratulated on his superb address to the Senate of Canada earlier this week in which he eloquently and learnedly presented the case for the Canadian Crown.

    This speech should serve as an educational tool and should be spread far and wide. I encourage all monarchists to disseminate this speech -- for its contents address many issues which are fundamental to our beliefs:


    The Senate

    Motion to Urge Government to Revise Twenty Dollar Banknote Adopted

    On the Order:
    Resuming debate on the motion of the Honourable Senator Joyal, P.C., seconded by the Honourable Senator Banks:

    Whereas the $5, $10 and $50 Canadian banknotes represent Sir Wilfrid Laurier, Sir John A. Macdonald and W.L. Mackenzie King respectively, and whereas each of these bills clearly mention in printed form their name, title and dates of function;

    Whereas the 20$ banknotes represent a portrait of H.M. Queen Elizabeth II but without her name or title;

    The Senate recommends that the Bank of Canada add in printed form, under the portrait of Her Majesty, the name and title of H.M. Elizabeth II, Queen of Canada , to the next series of $20 Canadian banknotes to be printed.

    Hon. Michael L. MacDonald: Honourable senators, I am delighted to participate today in the debate on Senator Joyal's motion to revise the next series of $20 banknotes produced by the Bank of Canada. Senator Joyal is an informed student of our country's history, is appreciative of Canada 's governmental institutions and is quite knowledgeable about the role these institutions play in our nation's evolution. I thank him for his perseverance in raising issues of this nature and applaud his initiative in bringing this matter to the attention of the Senate.

    As Senator Joyal points out, all former prime ministers depicted on our paper currency have their name, office and their dates of service in addition to their portraits. Yet, Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II, who has been the Queen of Canada since 1952, does not receive similar treatment on the $20 banknote. Rather, she looks out from her most highly circulated currency as a semi-anonymous entity, certainly recognizable to most people because of station and longevity but undefined as to her exact institutional relationship to Canada . One would think there was some uncertainty as to how Her Majesty should be described.

    Nothing could be further from the truth. Queen Elizabeth II is the Queen of Canada and Her Majesty's title is not some foreign imposition or colonial anachronism; it is a directive of the Parliament of Canada. Canada is an integral member of the Commonwealth realms as established at the 1953 Commonwealth Conference. Then Prime Minister St. Laurent stated at that conference:

    It must be emphasized that the Queen is Queen of Canada, regardless of her sovereignty over other Commonwealth countries.

    This position was clearly articulated in an act of the Canadian Parliament in 1953. It is the law, and we are a country with the rule of law. I stress this because it is important to remind honourable senators that Canada 's relationship to the Crown is direct. It does not run through the Parliament at Westminster as it did when Canada was a collection of colonies evolving politically throughout the 18th and 19th centuries. Canada has been a legally independent since the Statute of Westminster was proclaimed in 1931. We are a parliamentary democracy with a constitutional monarchy and, I would suggest, a highly successful example of this form of government.

    However, the inherent lesson is not merely about how the Crown is defined in Canadian law. Senator Joyal's motion serves to highlight how our history and political inheritance, in particular over the past half century, is being modified and rewritten as those in positions to influence such matters, whether elected or non-elected, either through indifference, subtle intent or outright revisionism engage in an exercise of airbrushing away those things that run counter to their own view of what Canada is or should be. The Crown in particular has been subjected to this treatment and the circumstance identified by Senator Joyal with the $20 banknote is but one of many examples of this practice.

    Admittedly, there is a wide spectrum of opinion in respect of the continuing presence of the Crown in Canada . Many Canadians today would be described best as being benignly ambivalent about the Crown and not overly enthusiastic, but not particularly hostile. I suggest that this is not necessarily a modern or post-modern phenomenon but, in fact, has long been the case in Canada . Canadians have a long-established system of government that works well. We are inherently conservative as it relates to our governance and we fundamentally understand that the Crown is part of that governance structure.

    There are some in this country who would like us to become a republic. People who believe this have every right to promote their agenda and to endeavour to convince the country that it would be the right course of action. Although this is not a sentiment that I share, this is a legitimate point of view and worthy of debate. Republicans would prefer to remove Her Majesty from our currency altogether and they would alter completely our institutional structures. Although it is not broken, they would still fix it. Republicans believe that our system of government is inherently colonial and that our relationship to the Crown is one of dependence and subservience.

    This is faulty reasoning in my opinion. Whatever advantages might accrue to Canada becoming a republic, independence is certainly not one of them; our independence has long been established. Fortunately for the republicans, there is a formula in place with which they can pursue their goal. It was inserted into the Constitution Act, 1982. They have only to get every provincial legislature in the country, the House of Commons, the Senate and the Supreme Court of Canada to agree to abolish the Crown. In short, complete unanimity across the country on the issue is all they require. Perhaps over time the republicans can accomplish this feat. Realistically, our constitutional requirements make such a development a remote possibility at best. At the very least, it would appear to be a mathematical improbability.

    In fairness, I should point out that republicans are not the only ones who wish to alter Canada 's constitutional relationship with the Crown. There are others who would keep our institutions primarily intact but make the Governor General Canada's head of state. This is theoretically achievable but, again, is subject to the aforementioned conditions laid out in the Constitution Act, 1982.

    My issue with the republicans and others is not the certain principles they espouse; they have every right to advocate their position in a free and democratic society. However, I have a serious problem with the subjective mindset of these groups and I will highlight two of their more egregious practices. When they argue against the presence of the Crown, they seem to know so little about it both in terms of its actual evolution as an institution and in particular its influence in the development of Canada . Their viewpoint is consistently narrow and predictable, often drawn through some ethnic prism that presupposes they are obliged to have some preordained disposition towards the Crown according to their family background or the circumstances of their birth. One of their repetitive mantras is that we should not have to put up with an English Monarch as our head of state.

    In principle, I have sympathy for this position, but since the last truly English Monarch was Harold II, the last Wessex King of England who was defeated and killed at the Battle of Hastings in 1066 by the Norman French under William the Conquerer, this would not appear to be much of a contemporary concern. The Norman Conquest fundamentally changed the Crown and Great Britain , establishing French, under the Normans and the Plantagenets, as the language of the court and the law for almost three centuries and giving Norman nobles titles, land and unparalleled influence throughout the British Isles . Their reach was enormous and their influence was lasting. What we refer to today as Parliament, began during this era.

    The Normans remade the English Crown into a European Crown that has endured in one incarnation or another since that time. The most notable royal houses of Scotland , the Bruces and the Stuarts, were descended from Norman ancestors, with the Stuarts creating the throne of the United Kingdom in the early 17th century when James VI of Scotland became James I of England . Before the 17th century was out, there occurred the so-called Glorious Revolution, which was neither glorious nor a revolution but a power grab designed to exclude Catholics from the throne. Westminster stripped the Crown of most of its remaining powers and, after jumping 52 places in the succession to find a Protestant successor, it placed the Hanoverians on the throne. It was believed universally that the Hanovers were German, although the line was originally Italian. The argument then that the Canadian Crown is an English throne is erroneous, a misplaced sentiment and the product of uninformed opinion and inadequate educational instruction.
    (1730)

    I can forgive republicans and opponents of the Crown for lacking in knowledge, but I will hold them to account for the practice of subterfuge and of attempting to accomplish by stealth those things they cannot accomplish by law. They assume they can ignore the law, they are above the law or can alter its interpretation to whatever suits themselves. This is a particularly offensive conceit and this subversion has become far too commonplace within certain offices in the Government of Canada.

    The examples of this are everywhere. It is not acceptable for officials in Heritage Canada and Government House to be actively involved in removing all references to the Crown from the Governor General's website. It is not acceptable that a Governor General can declare that office to be the head of state while the officials responsible for managing and advising this office remain mute and complicit in the face of these misrepresentations. We are a parliamentary democracy and a constitutional monarchy by law. Until such time as the law is changed, all Canadians should expect and indeed require that the law be respected by all with regard to the position and the role of the Crown.

    The other historical aspect that the republicans ignored is the role that the Crown played in the establishment of Canada . When the American Revolution began, there were 15 British colonies in the eastern mainland of North America, but 2 of them, Nova Scotia and Quebec , refused to participate. The die had been cast and when nearly 80,000 Loyalists came north in 1783-84, it resulted in the creation of the Province of New Brunswick and later the establishment of Lower and Upper Canada as the loyal colonies marched on to achieve responsible government.

    Canada 's political development is an integral part of our identity and the Crown has always been present in that identity and that of our political institutions. This inheritance still exists today. Last June I was present when Her Majesty cut the ribbon in Halifax to rededicate the restoration of Government House in Nova Scotia . The American ambassador to Canada and his wife were attending. They were both quite animated and excited about the event, mentioning how interesting it was that Canada had retained the Crown, how different it made us from the U.S. and that it was something distinctive to Canada in North America .
    A few days later, I attended the July 1 celebrations on Parliament Hill. My efforts to watch the proceedings from my office were thwarted by the crush of people attending the event. Full of anticipation but not necessarily patience, the crowd surrounding me was composed of those of every age and background, fully representative of modern Canada and quite excited about the arrival of Her Majesty to the country's birthday celebrations. It was the largest attendance ever for a Canada Day celebration in Ottawa .

    The Crown and our system of government is the one thing that has always distinguished us and separates us from the Americans. That distinction came through loud and clear at both of these events.
    However, although I support the Crown as an institution, I do not consider it above criticism or beyond improvement — far from it. I previously mentioned the anti-Catholic sentiment that was so pervasive and enshrined in law a few centuries ago. At present there is a debate in Westminster over the provisions of the Act of Settlement of 1701.

    I believe it is high time that we discuss the Act of Settlement in this country. Among other things, this act not only requires that the monarch be the head of the Church of England but states that anybody in line for the throne who marries a Catholic forfeits his or her place in the line of succession. Apparently, they can marry a Hindu, a Buddhist, a Muslim, a Confucian, a Quaker, a Jew, a Christian Scientist, a Wiccan, a druid, an agnostic or an atheist and give up nothing. However, they cannot be nor can they marry a Catholic.

    Some Hon. Senators: Oh, oh.

    An Hon. Senator: Off with their heads!

    Senator MacDonald: This is a remnant of the religious intolerance that ran wild throughout Europe in the 17th and 18th centuries. At that time, Catholics throughout Britain and the empire were subjected to a series of penal laws, commonly known as the Test Acts. These acts deliberately marginalized, impoverished and persecuted Catholics, making it almost impossible for them to own land or hold public office.

    The anti-Catholic provision in the Act of Settlement is the only remaining example of these disgraceful pieces of legislation. It is essential to remember that this religious test is not a creation of the Crown but an act of Parliament imposed on the Crown.

    This brings to mind a public debate that received some attention not long ago in the city of Ottawa , a discussion that reveals once again how sloppy people can be with our history, even with the noblest of intentions. Honourable senators will recall suggestions that Wellington Street should be renamed in honour of Sir John A. Macdonald. It was argued that it was a more appropriate name than that of someone who had no connection to Canada .

    It is interesting that while the many colonial figures have had their names commemorated multiple times across the country, the only thing named after the Duke of Wellington in Canada is the street that fronts Parliament Hill. As a Canadian, a Conservative and, yes, a MacDonald, I have no issue with giving Sir John A. the credit he so richly deserves. His role in the establishment of Canada eclipses all others of his generation.
    However, those who see the Duke of Wellington as nothing more than a soldier misses his significance to Canada . Yes, he was a great military leader, having fought in over 60 military campaigns, culminating in his victory at Waterloo over Napoleon in 1815. Arthur Wellesley, the Duke of Wellington, was also a parliamentarian, an Anglo-Irishman who sat in the Irish House of Commons as a young man and, following his magnificent military career, was elected to the British House of Commons, serving twice as prime minister beginning first in 1828.

    During his first term as prime minister and over the objections and strenuous opposition of the House of Lords, King George IV and some in his own party, he passed the Catholic Relief Act of 1829. Thankfully, Wellington threatened to quit if the old establishment blocked his legislation and his reputation was so unassailable that they did not dare challenge him. This act removed all remaining legal impediments against Catholics throughout the British Empire , including the right to be elected to a legislature without taking an oath in which they would have to essentially renounce their religion.

    The Hon. the Speaker pro tempore: I regret to advise the honourable senator that his time has expired. Does the honourable senator wish to ask for more time?

    Senator MacDonald: Five more minutes, please.

    Senator Comeau: That is fine.

    Senator MacDonald: It should be noted that until that time, the first and only place in the British Empire where Catholics have been free to practice their religion without penalty was in the British colony of Quebec, since all Catholics domiciled in Quebec — the overwhelming majority of the people — had, since 1774, received the full protection of the laws contained in the Quebec Act.
    This was not the case in Nova Scotia or the rest of the empire. Lawrence Kavanagh of St. Peters, Cape Breton , was elected to the Nova Scotia legislature in 1823, becoming the first Catholic to be elected throughout the old empire at that time. However, he could and did not take his seat until 1829, when Wellington passed the Catholic Relief Act.

    Wellington 's leadership emancipated Catholics and for that reason alone he deserves the small recognition in Canada he receives with the existence of that one street. Those who would casually remove his name do not do so out of malice, but because they are unfamiliar of the role he played during his day and unappreciative of the true significance of his contribution to Canada .

    It is this ignorance of our history that Senator Joyal holds up against the light with his motion on the $20 bill. That is why it is so important to support Senator Joyal's efforts in this matter. If anything, not only should we reaffirm the role of the Crown on the $20 bill, we should firmly embrace the institution and make it clear that Canadians have a say in its evolution.

    I trust that in the near future we can assert this commitment with a thorough debate on the Act of Settlement in our Parliament and make it clear to the other Commonwealth realms that the anti-Catholic legacy explicit in its provisions should be addressed and eliminated.

    To those who think the act is of little consequence, I point out that in 2007 Her Majesty's oldest grandchild Peter Phillips married Autumn Kelly of Montreal . They now have a daughter with dual citizenship, the Queen's first great-grandchild, the closest Canadian ever to the line of succession. However, Ms. Kelly was required to abandon her religion in order for her husband to keep his place in the line of succession. Surely, this is completely unacceptable and is another area in which we can provide the leadership necessary to address and correct old wrongs that need to be righted.
    (1740)

    The Senate has an important role to play in protecting the political inheritance of our country, and Senator Joyal's intervention provides all of us with the opportunity to do just that. When all honourable senators first enter this chamber, we swear an oath to the Crown. If we sit silent while others undermine the Crown, we undermine ourselves.

    I support Senator Joyal's motion to instruct the Bank of Canada to include Her Majesty's title with the next series of $20 notes, and I sincerely urge all honourable senators to support it as well.

    Hon. Percy E. Downe: Will Senator MacDonald take a question?

    Senator MacDonald: Certainly.

    Senator Downe: In his wonderful speech, Senator MacDonald correctly pointed out a major flaw in the Act of Settlement. On International Women's Day, it is important to point out the second major flaw in that, which is that males supersede females in the line of succession — which is the second part the British government hopes to change.

    I am wondering why we are stuck in this pattern in this country where all our currency has on it the monarchy or former politicians, and almost all our buildings paid for by all taxpayers that are federal government buildings across Canada are named almost exclusively after former politicians, and almost always men, because there were very few women participating in politics until recent years.

    All Canadians pay taxes. Why do we not name buildings and why do we not put on our currency people who are Canadian heroes — Terry Fox comes to mind, or Georgina Pope. There is a statue of Ms. Pope on the street in front of the Chateau Laurier; she is a war hero. Should these people not be considered as well?

    Senator MacDonald: I do not take any issue with anything the honourable senator has said. I am sure there are many worthy Canadians who could be adorning our bills, coins or government buildings.
    In terms of the workings inside the Bank of Canada, I have no great insight on that. However, I, for one, would certainly be open to any suggestion along those lines. I support the honourable senator.

    Hon. Roméo Antonius Dallaire: Honourable senators, Canadians have fought under the Crown overseas and participated in defending the realm since the Boer War, to start in the more modern era.
    The males of the Royal Family, by tradition, join the military and perform military service as an example to the nation of the sacrifice and the potential risk of serving. It is also interesting that they always go to Sandhurst to do their military service.

    Does the honourable senator not think it would be time that one of their generation come to the Royal Military College to do their service here, as part of the role of the Queen as the Queen of Canada?

    Senator MacDonald: I think that is a wonderful suggestion, one that I would certainly encourage and support. If the Crown is to continue to be seen to be relevant, members of the royal family must be active in all areas of the Commonwealth. Again, I take no issue with that suggestion whatsoever.

    The Hon. the Speaker: Further debate?
    Are honourable senators ready for the question?

    An Hon. Senator: Question!

    The Hon. the Speaker: Is it your pleasure, honourable senators, to adopt the motion?
    (Motion agreed to.)